Nostalgia and World War III

Global wars in the past – i.e. those that have spilled over the confines of single continents – have generally been fought about territory, trade, religion, sovereignty, security, ideology, race, and/or the personal ambitions of those most responsible for provoking them.

The next World War may be different. It will embrace several of these motives and traits, but with another great ‘divide’ dominating them. That’s the one between ‘the West’, and the ‘Other’; Europe and the USA on the one side, representing so-called ‘democracy’, liberalism in its many guises, and ‘enlightenment’; and on the other side countries – or governments – rejecting these ideals, maybe regarding them as false or hypocritical, and falling back on ‘tradition’ – and traditional kinds of dictatorship – to set against the seductive blandishments of the West.

All the countries presently opposed to the West share these latter characteristics. Some are religious autocracies (Iran); others deeply reactionary and secular (Russia); and yet others simply anti-Western, because of the harm they feel the West has done to them, especially during the era of European and American imperialism; and still is doing in the eyes of some. Many of these claims are justified: exploitation, annexation, other forms of theft, racial and cultural arrogance, and the consequent diminishing of those ‘inferior’ societies and their values in the eyes of the ‘superior’ West. Many in the ‘Other’ parts of the world are still smarting from this.

This is what brings together all those presently pitted against the West: Iran, Russia, China, North Korea, militant Islam, and others; in mutual sympathy, if not  (yet) in the form of military alliances. It also works to undermine the resilience of the West as a counter to it, attracting as it does extreme Rightists in Britain, for example, who have always questioned elements in their own liberal societies (the ‘woke’ ones), and hankered after more ‘disciplined’ régimes. That’s what brings Putin, Kim Jong Un and Farage together; and also probably the reactionary and autocratic Trump, if he gets in again.

I’m tempted to call this ‘nostalgicism’, because of its ‘reactionary’ character. For people and nations unnerved and confused by ‘modernity’ (as it shouldn’t be called), with their traditional cultures and even identities under threat from so-called American ‘imperialism’, and wanting to feel ‘Great’ again, but on their own terms; for all these the faux-familiar past provides a comfort zone, a sort of stability, and an alternative basis for national regeneration. It may be a more powerful influence than we think. If there is a Third World War, on any level, nostalgia could well provide the common bond between some mighty – and otherwise highly disparate – enemies.

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About bernardporter2013

Retired academic, author, historian.
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1 Response to Nostalgia and World War III

  1. AbsentMindedCriticofEmpire's avatar AbsentMindedCriticofEmpire says:

    I fear the accusation of “nostalgia” is more a rhetorical device than an analytical one. In any case, it can be flung in either direction – remember accusations of imperial nostalgia in the Brexit debate? And as for “so-called American imperialism”, didn’t you once write about US “super-imperialism”? (not that I’m denying the existence of Russian and Chinese versions)

    I believe the tendency to squash complex international developments into the frame of “the West vs. the Rest” is deeply depressing, dangerous and simply inaccurate (militant Islam in sympathy with Putin’s Russia? And before anyone objects, the original post lists “Iran” and “militant Islam” separately). I seem to remember James Joll arguing that what made war inevitable in 1914 was the belief that war was inevitable in 1914.

    There was a brilliant but sobering article in the Guardian recently about US and European policy towards Ethiopia and Abiy Ahmed, highly relevant to this “us against them” worldview. Rather than feel sorry for ourselves, wouldn’t it be better to address the still serious global inequalities that have existed since 1945, despite decolonisation? And won’t that involve addressing power in international institutions?

    Too often, “modernity” has used appalling violence to modernize (the Shah’s Iran) and too often the West has interpreted its rules-based international order in the most partial way (remember the West’s reaction to Iraq’s invasion of Iran?). I think the Iranian regime is loathsome. But what they’re driven by isn’t nostalgia. It’s memory.

    Anyway, excuse my (hopefully polite) disagreement. By the way, I posted on the previous topic but it seems to have vanished into limbo, though it doesn’t really matter.

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