The Swedish Alternative to Austerity

Back in Sweden again. What strikes me this time is the great contrast between the political and economic mood here, and back in my other home in the UK. Britain is gripped by ‘austerity’, and full of gloom and doom (except, I guess, for the very rich). More cuts in social provision are promised, hitting the poorest and most disadvantaged, and the NHS is collapsing for want of funds. The Government is using the ‘crisis’ to extend privatization and diminish ‘the state’, on what appear to be purely ideological grounds. In my part of England, shops are boarded up, and poverty is clearly rife. The tabloid press, and hence one assumes its readers, are blaming immigrants for taking the latters’ jobs and ‘sponging’ off what remains of our welfare state. Hence the particular line taken by the UK government in its negotiations with the rest of Europe, making the narrow issue of ‘immigration’ the main one determining whether we stay within the EU or not. The political Right, in the slightly comic form of UKIP – but then we should beware of comedians: look at Trump – is on the march. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, now starting to acknowledge that the five years of cuts he has presided over probably won’t substantially revive the UK economy, is blaming ‘global’ factors for this. That seems plausible. After all, the whole Western world is suffering, is it not?

Until you come to Sweden. Of course, the impression I get here is merely subjective, and may mark a difference not so much between Britain and Sweden per se, as between a very poor provincial city in the one country, and the capital of the other. So I’ve been looking out some statistics. Here’s what I found.

Sweden’s economy grew by 4.5% in the last quarter of last year. This is twice the rate of Germany’s growth. Incomes are rising. Most of this is export-driven. As well as this, ‘low interest rates have boosted consumer spending and borrowing, with house prices rising to new all-time highs’ – though leveling off now. ‘Unemployment is also finally falling as the government is boosting spending on welfare and caring for a record-surge of asylum seekers from war-torn countries like Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan.’ (This is from a recent Bloomberg report: http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-03-01/here-are-four-charts-that-explain-sweden-s-economic-boom.)

Notice the reference to asylum-seekers there. Sweden’s notably generous policy towards refugees is causing some social discontent (to put it mildly – neo-Nazis have been burning down their shelters); but economically, and especially as regards employment, it is seen as a plus. Everything else seems to be going pretty well. The Swedish social welfare system, though nibbled away by the previous Moderaten-led government, remains pretty impressive, boasting free university education, still, and Sweden’s greatest glory (in my opinion): universal childcare and parental leave arrangements (for fathers equally with mothers); all funded out of taxation. Doctors and hospitals – I’ve experienced both – are less hard-pressed. It would be wrong to pretend that there are no desperately poor people here, but most of them – the ones one notices, begging in the streets – are Roma from Eastern Europe. The Swedes are divided about how to cope with – or look after – them. I don’t think Sweden’s reputedly high taxation is much more of a burden on ordinary people than in Britain: the last time I compared my taxes of all kinds with my partner Kajsa’s there was little to choose between us; and look at what they get for it! If it is high, then according to what has become accepted as ‘orthodox’ economics in Britain and America today, that should be a drag on growth. So should the Swedes’ short working day, and long holidays. But it doesn’t seem to work like that.

Why? How come the Swedes can manage this, and we Brits can’t? Are they harder working, when they do work? Or is it something more systemic? I’m not a competent enough economist to answer that. My instincts and – if you like – prejudices veer to the Keynesian-socialist end of the political and economic spectrums, so I should like to attribute this success to, for example, Sweden’s powerful but co-operative Trade Unions; her tighter regulation of her manufacturing and financial industries – coupled, of course, with the fact that she still has some manufacturing industry, and is rather less dependent on finance; and her social security system. That, on top of the positive immigration factor. In other words, she never had a Thatcher. But what do I know?

The only lessons I want to draw from this are that there is an alternative to ‘austerity’, and all the neo-liberal values and policies tied up with that; and that there is at least one place in the world where it seems to work. Maybe the Swedish model isn’t applicable to Britain; or it would require too painful a revolution to take us there. (It would have been easier pre-Thatcher.) But if so, we need to be told why.

(First posted on the LRB Blog, yesterday.)

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Blair, Faith and Terror

The thing that really finished it for me with Tony Blair – more than student fees, over which I resigned from the Labour Party, and the Iraq war, over which I would have resigned if I hadn’t done so already – was his religiosity; which he kept hidden while he was in office, on the advice I imagine of Alastair Campbell. In my view that made it worse. You need to know what motivates your leaders while they have power, not afterwards, when it’s too late.

Now, I have nothing particularly against religion, so long as it isn’t too tightly organized: in ‘churches’, for example, or denominations, or sects. As it happens I have some beliefs myself which might be called religious; I won’t tell you what they are – you’d only laugh. They’re about the ‘after-life’, and don’t affect my political and other views. They’re also mere hypotheses, and so can be (a) doubted, and (b) tested – eventually. They’re not a matter of ‘faith’. It’s ‘faith’ that’s the problem. It implies something that can’t be tested. The word ‘blind’ fits it almost automatically.

It was when I realized that I needed ‘faith’ in order to continue calling myself a Christian, brought up as I had been in an otherwise very friendly and tolerant (Methodist) church, and with great admiration for the central teachings of ‘gentle’ Jesus – i.e. shorn of the awful Old Testament and the epistles of the Leninist St Paul – that I regretfully became an agnostic. (Not an atheist: that requires unquestioning faith too.) Faith seemed incompatible with my calling as an academic inquirer. In my inaugural professorial lecture at Newcastle I said that my favourite disciple was ‘Doubting Thomas’, despite the opprobrium that is conventionally heaped on him. (Whatever became of him afterwards?) I suppose I could have gone over to the C of E, which seemed quite tolerant then, until it (or some of it) discovered the evils of homosexuality, and that you had to have a penis to be a priest. I liked their architecture (see below) and music, and singing hymns. ‘Oh, you don’t have to believe anything to be an Anglican’, my C of E chums used to tell me, airily. But that wasn’t good enough, I thought, to allow me to mouth the words – ‘I believe in one God…’, and the rest – that would entitle me to join the club.

Tony Blair’s religiosity must explain why he was so much in favour of ‘Faith Schools’, which were also a big thing under the last Conservative government, and which drew hardly a whisper of criticism beyond committed ‘Humanists’. (I’m not sure that ‘Humanism’ isn’t a ‘faith’, too.) People seemed to think that because these schools were religious, they must inspire the ‘goodness’ that is often associated with ‘faith’; either by persuading their pupils, or by frightening them with the prospect of Hell. I’m sure that some of them do. But if they also teach that there are some things that can’t be questioned – ‘I believe in one God’, or Allah, or Yahweh, or whomever – they must stand solidly against the true aims of education, which are, above all else, to encourage intelligent thought. They can also dangerously divide communities. Northern Ireland is – or was – proof of that.

This brings me to today’s terrorist threat. For one of the characteristics that all the most dangerous political movements share is this ‘faith’ thing; Islamic fundamentalism most obviously these days, but also the Christian kind at other times, and secular ‘faiths’ like Soviet Marxism and the various varieties of Fascism. It’s what makes their adherents think they are entitled to force their beliefs on ‘unbelievers’, even by killing them and blowing themselves up with bombs. (Here’s where a particular vision of the afterlife might affect one’s conduct. Islamicist suicide bombers are apparently encouraged by the prospect of all those virgins waiting for them in Paradise. I should emphasise that my own view of the afterlife isn’t at all like that. Though – and here speaks the sceptic – I could be pleasantly surprised…)

So, to sum up: religion – OK, perhaps. ‘Belief’ – fine, if it allows for scepticism, and is supported by reason. ‘Faith’ – absolutely not. Just look at today.

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The Decline of the British Media

Apparently the British print media is doomed. The current demise of the Indy is the first major casualty. Soon our only news sources will be the internet, whither the Indy has retreated, but which is hugely unreliable; and radio, TV and gossip. I hope I don’t live long enough to see the final disappearance of the paper-and-ink tablecloth off which I like to eat my lonely breakfast, shifting the coffee mug and cereal bowl here and there to enable me to read the items that interest me, and spilling little globules of sticky marmalade all over. A laptop is just not the same. (And is more vulnerable to being gummed up with jam.)

But newspapers have been in decline qualitatively for more than a century. Anyone who doubts that should spend a few hours – as I have spent several years as a historian – looking through some of the newspapers and journals of the turn of the twentieth century. Rupert Murdoch – or the popular demand he fed – was responsible for the most recent dip, of course; but before that there were Harmsworth (‘don’t forget you are writing for a mental age of nine’ – a banner up in the Mail’s newsroom: I think – I must check), WT Stead, Beaverbrook, Maxwell, and many others lowering the tone and quality. It started when speculative capitalists like them took the press over, and turned their newspapers from being channels of information and opinion, however biased, into profit-making enterprises dependent on the appeal, and sometimes manufacture, of glitz and sensation – scandal, war, royalty, sport – to maximize their readerships. This trend was well under way by 1900, but was by no means complete yet. You only have to look though a few fin-de-siécle newspapers to appreciate that.

All of them had far more words, for a start. This applies in equal measure to both upper- and middle-class newspapers, like The Times, and to high-circulation working-class weekly papers, like Reynolds’s Newspaper and the Northern Star. (The workers couldn’t afford a paper every day, but they were well-nourished at the weekends.) It was also true of local papers, of which there were nearly always more than one, competing with one another, in each conurbation or county. News reports and what today would be called ‘op-eds’ were long, dense, and well-informed and argued. There were far fewer pictures (the Daily Mirror was the first to go in for photo-journalism in a big way; that was originally designed for women readers: women, vain, always looking in mirrors – geddit?), and smaller advertisements. They also, whatever the dominant political line taken by each paper, ranged over a far wider range of opinion than today. You had articles by Marxian Socialists and Anarchists, for example, read and so far as one can tell taken seriously, in the mainstream press as well as in marginal ‘Leftist’ publications, of which there were also many; and in the thick middle-class fortnightly and monthly journals which were one of the literary glories of the age. In other words, the boundaries of the contemporary political debate were far wider, and the range more varied, than they are today. Almost anything was acceptable. Jeremy Corbyn would have found his ideas somewhere in the middle of this. If we are to go by the tone and content of the press at all ‘levels’ around 1900, our popular political discourse has both narrowed, and shifted quite considerably to the Right, since then.

There were vulgar trashy sheets that one could compare to today’s tabloids. The Illustrated Police News and the Police Budget, for example, sated the plebs’ taste for gore, and sometimes sexual scandals, with large engravings (and later photographs) of grisly murders, executions, and women leaping naked out of bed with their paramours when their husbands came home unexpectedly. But these weren’t, and didn’t pretend to be, newspapers. The real equivalent of the Sun was Reynolds’s, which managed to be both popular and serious, and socialist to boot. (I remember it was still going when I was a boy.) It must be the reason why the Edwardian working classes were better informed than their successors are today. Which is a depressing thought, for a twenty-first century democrat.

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THE LAST TRUMP

Contemplating the end of the world, as one is bound to when watching Donald Trump on TV, I fell to musing what single thing I would want to be preserved as a token for the rest of the universe, of what the human race had been capable of at its best. Not the Bible or the Koran – too wrong-headed; no great buildings – all razed to the ground; not King Lear – too deeply resonant of humanity’s failings; and obviously not Fox News. It would have to be a piece of abstract music. My choice would be Mozart’s Sinfonia Concertante, K364. The little green men would listen to that, and weep for the loss of a race with so much promise, and yet stupid enough to throw it all away out of capitalist greed, blind faith, paranoia, and the sheer ignorance of the majority of Americans who will have voted for Trump. When all else is gone, Mozart will justify us. In the last resort – and it will be the last resort, quite literally – that’s why ‘art’ is important.

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Old churches

How can a modern agnostic (like me) love old churches? Well, it’s simple, really. Christianity takes credit for them, but Christianity didn’t build them. They were built by people, as expressions of their own creativity and labour . They were built as churches because that was virtually the only form available to their builders at the time. Religion was a secondary factor.

Creativity is a fundamental characteristic of humankind, distinguishing us from the rest of the animal kingdom. Which other animal, apart possibly from a few closely-related primates, arranges its environment not only for convenience, but also for visual effect? It may also be the quality bringing humanity closest to – possibly to the extent of identifying it collectively with – the entity that religious people call ‘God’: the Creator. That’s too big a question for me. But every human person is creative. This can be expressed in many ways: gardening (so long as it’s not just for food), cooking, home decoration, hobbies – or blogs like this. That satisfies most of us. But if you want to express your creativity on a more grandiose level, you require patronage; which can only come from the powerful.

In the middle ages the powerful people were the priesthood and aristocracy; which meant that if you wanted to build big you could only build palaces, castles – or churches. The same applied to musicians, both then and later on. Almost every large-scale musical composition, up to the end of the eighteenth century at the earliest, was either a liturgical work for the priesthood, like a mass, or an opera or symphony, for a rich patron. Some composers and architects (or master-masons) were also devout Christians (Haydn, Bruckner among composers); others weren’t (Mozart, Beethoven). It made no difference. Their faith was incidental. It might determine the form the building or musical composition took: a cruciform church, for example, or the liturgy of the Mass; but little more. Beyond that, their styles and qualities depended, entirely, on the very human genius of their creators. In this way, whatever their patrons liked to think, they are more expressions or celebrations of humanity, than of the ideologies of those old bishops and kings.

In the Middle Ages in the European countryside and small towns, churches were almost the only way that builders and architects could express their highest creative impulses: higher, that is, than mere utility. (Town halls came second.) They also had other ‘latent’ social functions, which might be more acceptable to democrats: for example as meeting places, and expressions of local identity and pride. Even in these (thankfully) faithless days, the parish church is the natural epicentre of any English or French village, certainly visually, with most of them boasting western towers and spires; and the only building in which you can expect to see and hear beautiful things, or ‘art’. Take away the church from any village or small town, or the cathedral from any ancient city, and you will be left with a ‘settlement’, merely; and probably a lot of people all the poorer for not having an adequate expression of their (human) race’s natural creativity nearby. It’s a great shame that our modern age has no real equivalent. (Postmodern supermarkets?)

There’s a passage in EM Forster’s Room with a View where the radical son of one of the characters expresses his distaste for an Italian cathedral they’re visiting on ideological grounds – wasn’t it an expression of Papist superstition and tyranny? – to be answered by his father along similar lines to these. You don’t have to be a conservative to love old churches. There’s a powerful democratic argument for them, too.

Lastly, William Morris, Britain’s greatest Marxist writer – though remembered now mainly for his wallpapers, which is demeaning – also admired mediaeval church architecture. I rest my case.

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The Snoopers’ Charter

A revised version of the Government’s so-called ‘Snoopers’ Charter’ – allowing interception of all our phone and email traffic, among other things – is to be presented to Parliament today. Here’s a historical piece I wrote for the Independent on Sunday (or ‘Sindy‘) – now sadly no longer with us, at least in the print version – a few weeks ago.

*

In seeking to extend the state’s powers of surveillance over its citizens, Theresa May’s new Investigatory Powers Bill is flouting a long tradition in British history. I’m not sure that the government is aware of this. Conservatives are supposed to respect tradition, as the soil in which ‘British values’ are sown. Hence their enthusiasm for history teaching in school. But they may not realise how important the principle of not spying on their citizens was on the past. Books and television programmes on the history of Britain’s ‘secret service’ trace it back to Walsingham in the 16th century, which is fair enough; but not if it is assumed that it must also have gone on between then and now. In fact, for a long period in the 19th century Britain deliberately abjured this kind of thing. She left herself effectively ‘spyless’, however unlikely that must seem today. So secret service wasn’t a ‘tradition’. ‘Traditions’ need to be joined up.

The reasons why spying was rejected may be instructive. It was ungentlemanly. It could lead to abuse. ‘Men whose business it is to detect hidden and secret things,’ wrote Anthony Trollope in 1869, ‘are very apt to detect things that have never been done.’ The Victorians had learned that from their earlier history, in more revolutionary days, when spies had often morphed into agents provocateurs, or worse. Another important reason was the damage it could do to the trust between rulers and ruled on which stable government depended. ‘Should the practice of spydom become universal’, pronounced The Times in 1859, ‘farewell to all domestic confidence and happiness.’ The novelist Mayne Reid thought that once introduced, even on a small scale, its effect would be ‘wedge-like… cleaving the columns of our glory and sapping the foundations of our dear liberty.’ In the early 20th century, when the modern ‘secret service’ was born, some came to suspect that unscrupulous politicians or agents might harness it against democratically-elected governments they didn’t like; which was by no means out of the question. (Doubts still remain over the ‘Zinoviev Letter’ of 1924, and the ‘Wilson Plot’ of the late 1960s.) Next, spying was fundamentally illiberal. Hence Erskine May, the great British constitutional theorist, in 1863:

Men may be without restraints upon their liberty: they may pass to and fro at pleasure: but if their steps are tracked by spies and informers, their words noted down for crimination, their associates watched as conspirators – who shall say that they are free?

Finally, and perhaps most important: spying was what the French did. France was Britain’s most significant ‘Other’ in the 19th century, the country she measured and identified herself against. A ghastly series of murders in east London in 1811 prompted some contemporaries to call for a more effective detective force to prevent such things. Here was Earl Dudley’s response:

They have an admirable police at Paris. But they pay for it dear enough. I had rather half-a-dozen people’s throats be cut in Ratcliffe Highway every three or four years than be subject to domiciliary visits, spies, and all the rest of Fouché’s contrivances.

(Fouché was Napoleon’s much-reviled Minister of Police.) So, whatever the advantages of a ‘detective’ police might be, France illustrated the downside. ‘Spylessness’ was a crucial identifier of the British against the French. (Also, incidentally, automatic asylum for foreign refugees, even terrorists.) That’s how important to Britain’s national self-image it was.

This could be taken to surprising lengths. In 1851 a Metropolitan police sergeant was cashiered and demoted for hiding behind a tree to observe ‘an indecent offence’. The reason why early policemen were given their silly tall hats was so that no-one would suspect them of being ‘under cover’. When an infant plain-clothes branch was formed in the 1860s it almost immediately had to be disbanded when three of its four senior officers were found to have been implicated in a betting fraud. That seemed to bear out the anti-spy prejudice. The same arguments were repeated later, when London was subjected to ‘terrorist’ threats in the 1880s (Irish Fenians) and the 1900s (foreign anarchists). In response to these, the government did in fact set up a ‘political’ (‘Special’) branch that used spies and informers; and later – around 1910 – MI5 was founded to deal (mainly) with the German spy threat. But both were mainly manned by Irishmen and ex-Colonial officials, whose policing traditions were less liberal. And both were kept strictly hidden from the British public.

It may be this that fuelled the suspicions that have hovered over Britain’s secret policing and intelligence agencies from that time onwards. Secrecy is almost bound to provoke mistrust, and even paranoia. Some of that may be undeserved. On the other hand, however, it also provides a cover behind which these agencies can abuse their positions if they want, without being brought to book. In the 20th century this was exacerbated by the fact that members of MI5, in particular, were often ex-colonial hands, or people trusted by them: politically right-wing, in other words; which affected – to put it mildly – the objectivity of the intelligence they provided. It is some of these people who will have been responsible for plots against Labour governments in the past. No wonder the Left distrusts them.

The answer is probably not to do away with them. Circumstances are obviously very different now from what they were then – the Islamist terrorist threat in particular – and public opinion clearly not so shocked by our current transformation into something of a ‘surveillance state’ (CCTV cameras and the like) as almost any transplanted Victorian would have been. But only so long as the government is aware of how ‘un-British’ its current Investigatory Powers Bill is, historically. And learns from the abuses of the past. The way to do that is to make the secret services more transparent, and fully accountable to the democracy. They say they are aware of that. Good. Secret Services are always problematic; secret Secret Services, however, are even more so.

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Tragedy or farce

To paraphrase Marx: ‘History repeats itself: first as Hitler, then as Trump’ (Eighteenth Brumaire). There’s no doubting that the circumstances behind the rise of ‘the Donald’ and of certain European right-wing mavericks today do bear an uncanny   resemblance to those of the 1930s: economic depression, feelings of national humiliation, anger,  ethnic scapegoating, widespread dissatisfaction with establishment politics, ‘threats’ to the propertied from the Left – and so on. Trump, Farage, le Pen, Akesson and the rest of them look like clowns to most outsiders at present, but then so did Adolf before he rose to power. I doubt whether Trump could ever become a Hitler; any American brand of fascism is bound to be very different – I imagine more soft-ball – than the pre-war German kind. But we can’t be complacent.  Let’s just hope, if the democratic socialists can’t get their acts together, and we do lurch Right-wards, that the end result will be – in Marx’s original version – more ‘farcical’ than ‘tragic’. But I wouldn’t bet on it.

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First past the post

Our voting system in Britain is a clear disgrace, and will be even more so when the Conservatives have finished – as they have started – gerrymandering it to their advantage even more: boundary changes, ‘reform’ of TU funding, and the like.. The last general election gave them an overall majority of seats in the House of Commons on the basis of a quarter, only, of the electorate, or a third of those who actually voted. The SNP got nearly all the Scottish seats with just over a half of Scottish votes; and UKIP – for whom I have no love, but still – polled about 20%, for only one MP. It doesn’t always happen that way around – sometimes Labour benefits in a similar way; but never before, I think, has the discrepancy between ‘votes’ and ‘power’ been so blatant. This is not democracy. It’s a game, to be won by the party that is better at playing by the rules. And to compound the injustice, the government is now pushing through an extreme programme of legislation which could only, surely, be morally and democratically justified if it had the backing of a true majority in the country. You’d have thought that its weak following might have tempered its ardour. Not a bit of it.

At the root of this, of course, lies our ‘first-past-the-post’ system, by which the person who heads the ballot in each constituency wins everything, even if within that constituency more people vote against him or her: that is, for other candidates on the list. The arguments for this were (1) that the national results coming out of this system were usually roughly representative of the electorate – until now; (2) that it provided strong and  stable government, without quarrelsome coalitions; and (3) that it gave each voter an MP of his or her own, representing his or her immediate geographical area. Candidates are selected locally too, though there is often some central party interference. – I have to say I have always valued that last aspect of the system. It goes back to the very origins of our parliament, when MPs were elected as individuals, to represent their constituents alone. There was no formal ‘party system’ then; which is what of course has complicated things since the later 18th century. I like this: to know that I have my ‘own’ MP, batting for my community, whatever his or her party happens to be. In most constituencies they are familiar local figures, getting to know their constituents, and holding weekly ‘surgeries’ at which they can sort out the latters’ problems. On that level, it works pretty well.

Most proportional representation systems don’t give you that. I’ve seen – and indeed participated in – one of these in Sweden: people voting for a party, whose bosses then use a list of approved candidates to appoint the actual MPs according the proportion of votes the party wins nationally. I would have thought that this distances ordinary people from their governors. Maybe the Swedes don’t need this kind of ‘MP-constituency’ relationship; they have Ombudspeople to sort out the kinds of problems that British voters take along to their MPs’ surgeries. And Sweden has always, historically, had a far more centralised government than Britain. But it makes me uncomfortable. Swedish election posters only feature party leaders – usually rather boringly and uniformly. There’s no human connection. I’d miss not having Diana (my local MP) here to approach if I needed to. On the other hand, it does mean that if Moderaten get 30% of the vote, say, they get 30% of MPs.

There are ways around this. Some countries – Germany and Ireland I think – elect a proportion of their MPs by constituency, but then with some spare candidates of every party on hand to fill the other seats in such a way as to balance out the inequalities. Another idea (my own, though I’m sure others must have thought of it) would be to have larger, multi-member constituencies – I’m thinking of six or eight local MPs each – with votes within those constituencies apportioned proportionally. Either of those systems might give us the best of both worlds.

They would also have other major advantages. New parties could start up more easily, than if they had to jump the highest hurdle right from the start. People would vote for what they believed in, rather than ‘tactically’, as happens now. There would be no such thing as a ‘wasted’ vote. As a result we would be able to see from the composition of the House of Commons what the spread of opinion in the country really was. Yes, there would be continual coalitions, which would require some subtle (and not-so-subtle) bargaining, and would be frustrating to any party ideologically committed to a certain set of policies; but that could be said to be in the nature of democracy. And it would work to temper the extremism of some of those ideologies. There was a hint of that in the last Con-Lib coalition, which enabled the Libs to restrain the Cons to a small degree; as we can appreciate now that the Cons have been set free from their Liberal incubus.

At present we have the extraordinary situation in which an unelected House of Lords is the only body able and prepared to rub down the sharper edges of government legislation in line with public opinion; to the annoyance of the Conservatives, of course, who are now preparing to gerrymander the Lords too. That – the Lords – is another question, to which I may return. For the moment, however, reform of the Commons voting system is clearly essential, as a first step towards making Britain a genuine democracy. (The second step will be to limit party donations; the third to do something about press ownership.)

See  MakeVotesMatter.org.uk on this.

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1956

I’ve just reviewed two books about the year 1956 for the LRB. I hope they publish it (they don’t always); if not I’ll put it up here. The 1950s have a bad reputation in historical retrospect, as a time of relative post-war austerity, still, a stifling social environment for most people, especially women, the tragedy of Suez, the repression of the Hungarian uprising, and Jim Crow in the USA. There was no colour TV; most people didn’t own cars; the diet (in Britain) was frightful; you still had deference, hanging, and beating in schools; and the Empire was going down the drain. Photos and films from the period are all in black, white and (predominantly) grey. We had to wait until the 1960s for things to perk up. (Or to perk down, if you’re an old-fashioned conservative.) The year 1968, in particular, was the turning-point. From then onwards, until comparatively recently, the sun began to shine. No-one, writes the author of one of these books, would want to return to the time before then.

I don’t agree. I remember the 1950s. I was 15 in 1956. I found it an immensely stimulating decade (quite apart from the natural biological stimulus of adolescence), and greatly to be preferred to our own in many ways. Of course I was privileged: ‘selected’ to go to a ‘good’ school, with prospects of a ‘good’ university after that; missing ‘national service’ by a whisker; and – perhaps the most important thing – male. It was women who were most disadvantaged in the 1950s, and whose condition has improved most since. I’m lucky to have been a boy – and not gay. Gays also had a terrible time in the 1950s. (See the very black-and-white film Victim, starring Dirk Bogarde – courageously, in view of his own closet homosexuality.) Yes, the food was lousy, we were beaten at school, and the rest of it. All that is perfectly true. But there were two things that compensated, massively.

The first was the existence of obvious social and political ills to react against, providing material for the new ‘kitchen-sink’ theatre of the time, for example, and the new popular music – ‘skiffle’ and ‘rock and roll’. John Osborne, Arnold Wesker, Harold Pinter, Bill Haley, Elvis Presley, some of the earliest modern political satirists, and most of the genuine cultural revolutionaries usually associated with the following decade all started up around 1956, in clear – albeit sometimes dumb – reaction against convention and the ‘establishment’, and shocking our elders to their cores. More overtly politically, there was the emergent Civil Rights movement in America; and anti-imperialism, anti-capital punishment, anti-apartheid and ‘Ban the Bomb’ campaigns in Britain. These were clear, concrete ‘causes’ to attract the young (and many of the old: Bertrand Russell, for example) at that time; something really to bite on, as opposed to today’s vaguer and more complex targets, like ‘inequality’ and ‘austerity’. That was thrilling. I remember. (I was in anti-apartheid and CND.)

The other compensation was that all these causes looked achievable. However bad things might have been, they seemed to be getting better. That was because they were. Civil Rights were progressing, albeit slowly, in America. Hanging in Britain was just about to come to an end. Despite Hungary, the Soviet Union was disowning the cruder kinds of Stalinism. We in Britain were already starting to ‘liberate’ our colonies, a process that was made to appear smoother and more consensual than it really was. (See my ‘Imperial’ books.) Things looked promising for gays, with the Wolfenden Report (1957). Feminism appears to have been a bit behind the other ‘causes’ – it certainly didn’t make the limelight – but at least women could work now. In fact anyone could work. There was virtually no unemployment (1.8% in 1956, I think). Anyone who wanted could have a job, and ‘privileged’ people like me had a choice of them. (I swithered between jobs in academia, the Foreign Office, the theatre and the BBC. I could have walked into any of them; not because I’m particularly talented, but because they were all recruiting like mad.) The few disadvantaged were rescued by a pretty generous welfare state, and all of us could call on the brilliant new NHS, at its peak then, for first-class medical treatment, free.

All this was buttressed ideologically by a wide-ranging – almost universal – belief in the inevitability of social and political betterment, through the United Nations, the friendly old Commonwealth, and the welfare state: the ‘progressive’ stage of our domestic history. No-one dreamt that we could ever regress from that. The Labour Party was pretty progressive – enough for me, at any rate. Even the Tories, who were in government for most of the 1950s, embraced the welfare state, and even boasted of extending and improving it. The welfare state would have a wider beneficial effect, too, by providing a compromise position for those unattracted by both American-style capitalism, and Soviet communism. This, and decolonisation, made ‘progress’ inevitable on the international front, too.

Which puts the finger on the main difference – for me – between the 1950s and the 2010s: which is that sixty years ago there was hope, whereas there seems to be very little of that today. That hope may possibly have been misplaced, even naïve – though I think that if Britain had taken a different path from the 1970s onwards (a Swedish path, perhaps) things might have turned out differently. (That is, if it had been possible to take a different route; i.e. reckoning without the global capitalist juggernaut.) Today, it seems to me, there’s very little of this kind of hope. That’s why these two books about 1956 were so deeply nostalgic for me. I’d swap my colour TV – even my iPhone – for a tot of hope, any day.

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Cameron’s mom

David Cameron’s mother has come out as a champion of the junior doctors in their quarrel with the government. At Prime Minister’s Questions today, Cameron was twitted about this. (Not by Corbyn. He refuses to get ‘personal’.) His reply: ‘Ask my mother? I think I know what my mother would say. I think she’d look across the dispatch box and she’d say: put on a proper suit, do up your tie and sing the national anthem.’ Conservative MPs behind him hooted with delight. They’d been behaving pretty badly all week, on another occasion yelling soccer hooligan chants at Corbyn. As one who – as everyone who knows me will agree – is a poor dresser, who doesn’t even possess a suit, or at least one that will fit me, that warmed me even more to Corbyn. Maybe snappy dressing isn’t one of his top priorities, as it clearly is one of Cameron’s and his Mater’s. It also showed up the Tories for the immature public-school jerks they are, and must, surely, have alienated most of the rest of us who actually saw the exchange on the BBC Parliament channel. I remembered reading that Keir Hardie was given exactly the same harrumphing treatment when he first turned up to the Commons in a flat cap. I must say I was filled with a deep feeling of what can only be described as class hostility.

Which is rare in my case, and in fact is usually, I think, more a characteristic of the upper and upper-middle classes – especially the nouveaux – than it is of those ‘beneath’ them. This is what Owen Jones’s Chavs is about. Thatcher was consumed by hatred of the ‘lower’ classes and their values. So, clearly, are Cameron and Osborne. I’ve had an unusually wide experience of many of the classes of English society: from my poor working-class grandparents, through my lower-middle class parents, to the rich boys and genuine nobs I rubbed shoulders with – quite amicably; they were very tolerant of me – at Cambridge. The worst were the ones I met as a Fellow of my college on ‘high table’. Some of them were so arrogant and antediluvian in their opinions – however brilliant they may have been at science or Greek – to make me want to leave that beautiful place; which at length I did. I remember thinking that no-one would believe me if I told about them. It was beyond belief. I see it again in Cameron and Osborne. Ghastly people. Please God (or that Great Collective in the Sky), deliver us. Soon.

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